Jewish groups have mixed views on Eric Cantor, new House majority leader
Virginia Republican Eric Cantor, upon becoming House majority leader
this month, will be the highest-ranking Jewish member of Congress in
history. For many Jewish advocacy groups in Washington, however, it's a
mixed blessing.
Cantor is a telegenic lawyer from the Richmond
suburbs who keeps a kosher home with his accomplished wife and three
children. Colleagues on Capitol Hill call him a principled, understated
politician with a good sense of humor and a knack for fund-raising—he
can raise over $1 million in a single evening.
In the new
Republican-controlled House, Cantor, 47, is second in line only to House
Speaker John Boehner. But while no Jewish lobby questions Cantor's
commitment to Israel, they generally share few of his domestic policies.
"His
conservatism simply doesn't appeal to mainstream Jewish voters," said
Tom Dine, the former head of the American Israel Public Affairs
Committee, the influential pro-Israel lobby. "Poll after poll shows
that the American Jewish community is progressive, and a smaller
percentage is concerned about only Israel."
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Where most Jewish
groups in Washington lobby for a strong social safety net, abortion
rights and a strict separation of church and state, Cantor is most often
on the opposing side. And even on Israel, some Jewish political leaders
say, Cantor's approach is too aggressive for Israel's good.
Cantor,
the only Jewish Republican in either the House or Senate, has GOP roots
that go back at least a generation. His father, who owned a real estate
firm, was treasurer of Ronald Reagan's presidential campaign in
Virginia in 1980. But unlike many Republican Jews, Cantor's conservatism
on fiscal issues mirrors his conservatism on social issues.
He is
a reliable vote for legislation against abortion and takes a hard line
against government funding of embryonic stem cell research. He staunchly
supports gun rights and fights restrictions on the tobacco industry.
Earlier in December, he called for the Smithsonian to close an exhibit
that angered conservative Catholics because it failed to "uphold common
standards of decency."
Cantor was unavailable to speak to a reporter for this story.
Republicans
tapped Cantor for leadership roles soon after he arrived in 2001; in
2009, he became his party's whip, the member charged with enforcing
party discipline. As whip, Cantor was instrumental in ensuring that
President Obama's economic stimulus package failed to gain a single GOP
vote as it passed the House.
With two other congressmen, Cantor published Young Guns: A New Generation of Conservative Leaders, a book on how the GOP lost its way and can return to its ideal of limited government.
Even
Cantor's wife has noted his atypical standing as a Jewish Republican.
Diana Cantor, a partner in an investment firm and chairwoman of the
board of trustees of the Virginia Retirement System, once told the Washington Post
that she was shocked, on their first date, when her future husband
revealed his affinity for the GOP. "I said, 'I thought you were Jewish.'
I'd never met someone who was Jewish and Republican," she remembered
telling him.
Diana Cantor, whose father was a Democratic activist
in Florida, has stated for the record that she does not share her
husband's views on abortion and other issues important to social
conservatives. Jewish leaders may also have to take a similar "agree to
disagree" approach in their dealings with Cantor as House majority
leader.
"It's a relationship that has to be strengthened," said
Richard Foltin, director of national and legislative affairs for the
American Jewish Committee. While Foltin said no one questions Cantor's
commitment to Israel, on social issues the AJC will engage Cantor "as
far as we can. As advocates, on some issues we may have to go
elsewhere."
Jeremy Ben-Ami, president of J Street, a pro-Israel
lobby that tends to attract more dovish supporters than AIPAC, is more
eager to point out the differences between Cantor and Jewish American
voters, even on Israel. He notes that Cantor in October floated the idea
of separating aid to Israel from the foreign operations budget to
safeguard Israel's foreign aid dollars in a Congress that seems
increasingly skeptical of foreign aid in general.
J Street, AIPAC,
the National Jewish Democratic Council and much of the pro-Israel press
publicly rejected the idea, arguing that the separation would foster an
isolationism that would undermine Israel's security.
Ben-Ami says
he is similarly disturbed by the overly tough stances Cantor and other
Republican House leaders have taken against Israel's neighbors in the
Middle East, such as Cantor's bill to end U.S. taxpayer support for the
Palestinian Authority. "Fanning the flames of conflict is doing a
disservice, because what constitutes friendship for Israel in the long
run is helping it find peace and security with its neighbors," said
Ben-Ami.
Republican Jewish leaders argue that Cantor isn't an
anomalous Republican Jew and point out that in November's midterm
elections, Republicans captured nearly a third of the Jewish vote—up
from an average of about 25 percent in recent elections. Supporters
predict that Cantor will help swell the ranks of GOP Jewish politicians
at all levels. —RNS
